“They painted us all as traitors”: Environmental protests in Bashkortostan morph into Russia's largest political trial

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“Get dressed quickly, or you'll be scraping your brains off the floor”: The defendants in the case

“Some random man named Ayrat Fatykhov wrote a denunciation, saying I had thrown snow at policemen. Attached to the case is a still from video footage, but the man in the image is not me,” photographer Aydar Stepanov says, recollecting the Jan. 17 events near the Baymak District Court. Stepanov came to the courthouse to take a few photographs. On that day, the public learned the court was about to pass a sentence on public figure and environmental activist Fayil Alsynov. Thousands of people gathered to support Alsynov — a predictable outcome given the abundance of high-profile environmental scandals that had broken out in Bashkortostan over the past few years.

Aydar took photos and peacefully left the gathering, sharing the images on social media only a couple of days later. He did not participate in protests, he did not assault police officers, and he did not break the law. Taking photos in public places such as squares and city streets is allowed, even in Russia. The authorities were probably displeased with the images themselves, Aydar suggests. On Apr. 15, he was summoned for questioning, and on Apr. 17 the court found him guilty of participating in an unauthorized protest and imposed a fine.

“I pointed out to the judge that the man in the footage was wearing completely different clothes than I was, but to no avail. Apparently, they had orders from the top to fine everyone who had been at the rally. We have yet to see a single acquittal in this case. Moreover, the person who penned the denunciation doesn’t seem to exist. We couldn't find any information about him,” the photographer says.

Despite the blatant injustice, Aydar can consider himself lucky, as his presence near the courthouse cost him only an administrative fine of 10,000 rubles ($107). Many other locals who rallied outside the building are being prosecuted for serious crimes punishable by lengthy imprisonment — without so much as a chance of getting off with a fine or a suspended sentence.

Thus, 23-year-old musician and Baymak native Aygiz Ishmurzin was taken to the police station on Feb. 15, right before his concert in Sterlitamak. Like Aydar Stepanov, Ishmurzin was first found guilty of participating in an unauthorized rally, which is an administrative offense. But then he was transferred to Ufa — to face criminal charges of participating in mass riots, a crime punishable by three to eight years imprisonment.

The judge did not explain why his pre-trial detention was extended to six months in place of the usual three. “The prosecution means business — they want him put away for eight years,” Ishmurzin's friend Rozalina says. “The National Guard was invited to the trial, even though it was video conferenced. They think our guys are still dangerous.”

Construction worker and father of six Aysuvak Yavgastin was detained in January and placed in custody first on administrative charges. However, alongside other rally participants, Yavgastin faced criminal prosecution for allegedly “organizing and participating in mass riots” and perpetrating “an attempt on the life of a law enforcement officer” — punishable by imprisonment for a term of 12 to 20 years.

“During my father's arrest, armed men put my 14-year-old brother Albert on the ground and put a gun to his head,” said Aysuvak's 19-year-old daughter Alita. “Today we also learned that my father was beaten by Chelyabinsk law enforcement officers in Baymak. Our local Baymak policemen tried to defend him, but they were told to get lost.”

Sixty-year-old teacher Alfinur Rakhmatullina was arrested in January during an apartment search connected to the case of “mass riots.” According to her daughter Liaysan, Rakhmatullina suffers from a heart condition and has trouble breathing.

Azat Mirzin was detained by the police on Jan. 18 in the village of Mullakaevo in Baymak district. As his wife told OVD-Info:

“They came to our house when there was no one home but my husband and our 11-year-old son. It was about 9 p.m. There were seven people. They came in and started swearing, yelling: ‘Come on, get dressed quickly, or you'll be scraping your brains off the floor!’ Our son was terrified and burst into tears, so they told him to go to the bedroom. They grabbed my husband right in front of the kid. Our son was shocked.”

Zaki Ilyasov was arrested in Ufa at 6:40 a.m. on Apr. 24 as he was leaving home and ended up in the hospital just an hour later. He was in a coma for 24 hours. The Telegram channel ZPCh reports that doctors diagnosed Ilyasov with right-sided pneumothorax, left-sided hemothorax, infiltrative changes of the lung, chest contusion, swelling, hyperemia in the area of fractured ribs, and an incised wound of the lower third of his left forearm. On Apr. 28, he was released from the hospital and was presented with criminal charges.

The hunt for the participants of the gathering unfolded all over Russia. Driver Insaf Islamov was detained on Feb. 6 in the town of Apatity in Murmansk region, where he works, according to his wife. She learned about his arrest when Islamov called her in the evening, asking to bring his passport. On Feb. 9, the court ordered the defendant to remain in custody until Apr. 5, later extending the detention term until September. None of the defendants in the Baymak Case were transferred to house arrest.

The police followed a distinct pattern in processing the 80 or so defendants in the case: first charging them with administrative offenses in the district court at their place of residence or work, then sending them to pre-trial detention center SIZO No. 1 in Ufa to face charges in a criminal case alleging their participation in mass riots. The very same “Ayrat Fatykhov” who wrote a denunciation against the photographer Aydar appears in multiple protocols.

Six months later, 71 Baymak Case defendants are in pre-trial detention. Five are wanted. One is under house arrest. And the location of three others remains unknown.

Two detainees died in the pre-trial detention center: Rifat Dautov and Miniyar Bayguskarov. Dautov was arrested on Jan. 25, and on Jan. 26 his family members were summoned to the morgue. No cause of death was given, and no report was issued.

According to local journalists and activists, Bayguskarov hanged himself, supposedly unable to withstand the pressure of law enforcement officers. He was buried on February 13. Sources who communicated with the local media outlet Aspekty-Bashkortostan claim that Bayguskarov left a suicide note. He was brutally beaten during the interrogation, as the investigators wanted to get him to sign some form of statement, possibly a denunciation.

The Baymak Case has left multiple families without fathers — and often without the means to support themselves. The defendants have to pay for lawyers, with fees totaling 150,000-250,000 rubles ($1600-2600) — an unaffordable sum for many rural residents of Russia. Insaf Islamov's wife has had to sell her car, and relatives of other detainees had to raise money to pay for lawyers and to provide basic necessities for their loved ones in detention.

Since many of the defendants have been transferred to other regions during their pre-trial detention, lawyers and relatives are also incurring travel expenses. “To see Aytugan for just two hours through a small window and hand him fresh homemade bread and cookies, I have to leave the neighborhood at one o'clock in the morning and spend almost 24 hours on the road,” his wife Amina complains. Relatives of the defendants have set up chat groups to help each other and to exchange information.

From Kushtau to Baymak

Other than a few low-rise Soviet-era apartment blocks, Baymak is mostly a one-story town. Many locals keep horses, cows, sheep, and poultry. Beekeeping is also popular, and the road from Ufa to Baymak features plenty of “honey for sale” signs. The road is mostly passable, but some sections can leave your car without wheels, especially if you drive fast — and most locals do. Although the road is mostly a forest-lined serpentine with very steep turns, we rarely go below 100 km/h (62 mph) anywhere. The drive takes us around six hours.

“We call this one the ‘mother-in-law's tongue,’” our driver Timur says proudly, flooring it through yet another U-turn (his name has been changed for safety reasons). Timur lives in Sibai, a town 20 kilometers from Baymak. His family keeps a farm, and he also works as a driver, transporting passengers and cargo from Ufa to Baymak, Sibai, and neighboring villages. After the events of Jan. 17, he got many new clients: the relatives of defendants who make regular trips to Ufa and back. There are also small buses servicing the routes, but a taxi is faster and is still affordable if you carpool.

“We'll soon be passing the exit to Mezhgorye, which has a bunker — in case of a nuclear war. The government will immediately move there in the event of an emergency,” Timur explains. The restricted town of Mezhgorye is located 200 km south of Ufa, on the territory of the South Ural Natural Reserve — a place of breathtaking beauty. Republican authorities pose as the guardians of Bashkortostan’s natural heritage — one of the first things visitors to Ufa notice at the airport is an exhibition showcasing the need to preserve “the precious world of wildlife.”

However, Baymak residents say the authoritative claims are nothing but lip service. “It's disgusting how they treat nature! All they say about protection and caring is just words! In reality, an absolute horror show is going on,” says a local woman at a bus stop in Baymak near the unremarkable two-story district court building. The adjacent square may be empty now, but on Jan. 17, it was brimming with people who came from all corners of the republic to support Bashkir environmental activist Alsynov.

Baymak, with a population of less than 18,000, saw a crowd of 5,000 to 10,000 demonstrators outside the courthouse that day. The majority of rally participants came from nearby villages, locals say.

Residents of Bashkortostan most frequently protest gold mining and illegal extraction activities. Four years ago, rallies against the destruction of the Kushtau Shihan — one of the four chalk mountains that Bashkir Soda Company intended to develop — drew the attention of the entire nation. Fayil Alsynov was among the main protest leaders, and the Bashkort group he co-founded in 2014 with Ruslan Gabbasov has also spoken out in defense of Bashkir language and culture and against the spread of counterfeit alcohol. Shortly after the protests in defense of Kushtau, the Supreme Court of Bashkortostan labeled Bashkort as “extremist,” and Alsynov himself became a target of law enforcement. His case brought together all of the “pain points” that had been fueling popular discontent in the republic.

“A great many people gathered to support him. I've never seen anything like this,” a local at the bus stop recalls. “He made a lot of public statements last year, condemning this lawlessness — that [gold miners] are digging up vegetable gardens and grabbing promising plots of land for development and mining.”

As a result of the protesters’ efforts, the owners of the land managed to keep their estates, and the Eurasian Mining Company gave up the project — much like what happened with the controversy around Kushtau Shihan three years earlier.

But the authorities never forgave Alsynov for his success. Radiy Khabirov, the head of Bashkortostan, wrote a denunciation against the activist, claiming that the districts of the Bashkir Trans-Urals (which includes the Baymak District) had allegedly spawned an anti-governmental campaign.

“In these districts, under the pretext of averting a possible environmental disaster and contamination of soil and water with harmful substances due to gold mining, [activists] have launched a propaganda campaign, calling for mass gatherings to cause popular unrest and confrontation between local residents, the authorities and law enforcement agencies.” Khabirov also wrote that in Ishmurzino, Alsynov “openly called for extremism” and allegedly discredited the Russian Armed Forces.

Denunciation of Fayil Alsynov (Alchinov, according to his passport) by the head of Bashkortostan Radiy Khabirov, from the criminal case file
Published on Fayil Alsynov's channel Kushtau Bayram

After Khabirov's denunciation, the prosecutor's office opened criminal proceedings against Alsynov for “incitement to hatred.” His final court session on Jan. 17 became the starting point for the Baymak Case.

Consequences of Jan. 17 protests

Fayil Alsynov was added to the “list of terrorists and extremists” on Jan. 16, the eve of the announcement of his verdict. The trial was held behind closed doors, and immediately after the result was made public, protests began outside the courthouse. The crowd chanted: “Shame on you!” and “Bez kara halyk!” — Bashkir for “We are black people,” an allusion to the phrase that the prosecution claimed Alsynov had used as an incitement to ethnic hatred. (The term can also be translated as «common people,» thus it does not automatically connote any reference to race.)

Authorities shut down network coverage and mobile internet in Baymak. On Telegram, they blocked several channels: that of the online publication RusNews, which was broadcasting from the square outside the courthouse; the Kushtau Online channel set up by activists defending the chalk hill; and several other opposition channels in Bashkortostan. Pro-government pages on the social network VKontakte and Telegram channels warned that police reinforcements were on their way from Sibai to Baymak.

Violence in Baymak was triggered by pro-government provocateurs, Alsynov's lawyer Ilnur Suyundukov wrote, citing several activists. One video showed a man in a green hat throwing a piece of snow from behind police officers’ backs. In another photo, the same man could be seen behind the ranks of riot police — he was carrying a loudspeaker, even though local activists had no such equipment.

Several other people who appear in the photo next to the instigator could be spotted near the courthouse walls, an area well protected by security forces and thus off limits to protesters. Local Telegram channels also published photos of men throwing chunks of frozen snow into the crowd. One of them was identified as a witness who had testified to the FSB in another infamous criminal case — that one about a Marxist circle in Ufa. Law enforcement agents who testified in court confirmed that they had worked at the rally, according to the human rights service Civil Control, which observed the hearing in the case of Khalid Ishkuvatov, Ilfat Ishmuratov, and Zakir Kulmukhametov.

“Of course, it was Khabirov's doing. He’s a prick. It is he who is adding fuel to the fire, developing the subsoil in a barbaric way,” says Ilshat (the name has been changed to protect identity), a parishioner of the mosque in Baymak. Although he is not closely acquainted with Fayil Alsynov, Ilshat was among the Kushtau Shihan defenders.. He considers the law enforcement agencies responsible for the unrest near the courthouse but chooses his words with caution: “It’s just how locals are: you strike a match, they get worked up in no time. Those who know it know how to use it. I think they triggered [the unrest] on purpose.”

Other locals also noted the work of the authorities. “I didn't catch the protests at the courthouse. But in the week that followed, the police came to us,” says Alexander (the name has been changed to protect identity), a cashier at a grocery store next door to the courthouse. “They requested CCTV footage to identify the protest participants. I gave them the file, but they said it wouldn’t open.”

In the village of Ishmurzino, Baymak District, where Alsynov spoke in April 2023, law enforcement officers armed with assault rifles raided the homes of Alsynov’s local supporters, the online publication RusNews reported. According to the journalists, raids were carried out in a few more villages of Baymak District.

“They dug up cemeteries, pastures, and private vegetable gardens”

A huge black hill dominates the shore of the lake in the center of Baymak. There is also a walking area and a heart-shaped sign that reads “I love Baymak,” and every photo featuring the sign is bound to have the hill in the background. “It's slag! They use it to sprinkle the roads in winter,” local girls explain. At the moment, they are the only ones outside. There are no tourists in town. This summer, it hardly ever stops raining. In addition to the usual environmental problems, the republic is also faced with the loss of crops.

Locals in Baymak openly criticize the authorities and talk about environmental problems. A man called Ilshat complains about non-functioning water treatment facilities on the Tanalyk River, a tributary of the Ural. The facilities were installed without filters, but this fact was only revealed three years after construction. “They just don't work. [In Mayachny], Kucharbaev and Belyaev went to jail for commissioning such facilities,” Ilshat says, recalling a similar case that involved dysfunctional sewage treatment plants in Kumertau. “But putting them away did no good: untreated waste still gets into the river. On paper, facilities exist, but there is nothing inside.”

But Ilshat was wrong about the consequences faced by the two local officials who he thought had been “put away” in jail. OnMay 17, the Court of Cassation exempted former Deputy Prime Minister and ex-Minister of Housing and Public Utilities of Bashkortostan Boris Belyaev and ex-head of the Ministry of Construction of Bashkortostan Ramzil Kucharbaev from punishment for abuse of power. As I explained to my interviewee, the decision was motivated by the expiration of the statute of limitations. “Oh, I see. Their lot sticks together,” Ilshat quipped sarcastically.

“That’s why there are riots. For your information, in the 20 years [before Khabirov] only three or five permits were issued to develop these lands. Just a handful. To compare, since Khabirov came to power in 2019, he issued over 200 permits. And the predatory mining began. They’d been digging up cemeteries, pastures, and private vegetable gardens. Some areas look as though they’d been bombed! And that kid [Fayil Alsynov] stood up against this kind of exploitation, which is why all farmers supported him. I’m so sorry for the people. They’ve all been all painted as traitors — and all that to prevent them from hampering the mining activities.”

Having gotten rid of the activists, the authorities and the gold miners may try yet again to start development in Ishmurzino, where locals blocked a similar attempt in 2023. Such plans have been voiced by Azat Badranov, the first deputy director for domestic policy of the head of Bashkortostan’s office.

According to the activists, Badranov visited Ishmurzino to meet the relatives of the defendants in the Baymak Case. “Among other things, he hinted that the district and the village need jobs, and promised that environmental standards will be observed,” an interviewee of the local publication Idel.Realii said. Another activist confirmed that “the authorities are still thinking about open-pit mining.”

The Baymak Case is not the first in the long history of repression against environmental activists. For 46-year-old Ildar Yumagulov, the struggle with gold miners in his native Baymak District resulted in a serious injury: in 2021, he was attacked and had his legs and ribs broken with baseball bats. His attackers got off lightly. The court handed down terms ranging from 1 year 9 months to 5 years 2 months, even though the charges — intentional infliction of serious bodily harm by a group of persons by prior conspiracy — suggest imprisonment for up to 12 years. Those who ordered the hit were never found.

Since Khabirov assumed office as head of the republic, the authorities have increasingly favored open-pit mining and have not taken any measures to preserve the environment, Ilshat says:

“They leave everything dug up. There is no land rehabilitation or remediation. You did some digging — fine, and now put it back the way it was! That’s how it is in Baymak, in the town of Uchaly, and all over the district.”

Scientific research has shown an increase in the levels of cadmium and lead in the body tissues of people living in the Trans-Ural zone of Bashkortostan — a result of heavy metals pollution in bodies of water. For residents, this means an increased risk of cancer, anemia, neuropsychiatric, neuroendocrine, and reproductive system disorders.

“There’s mining in Chelyabinsk Region too, but it's done more or less legally, so the people there don’t speak out and don’t make trouble as they do here in Bashkiria,” Ilshat explains. “Here, we have lawlessness because the authorities are stupid enough to give the green light to these miners without talking to the people first. Locals aren’t against mining as such — they don't mind development as long as miners stay within the allotted territory and don’t extinguish all life as they leave! But they seem to have lost all sense.”

Russia’s Investigative Committee sometimes fines mining companies, often after the mining is already underway. For example, Ekoservis was fined 485,000 rubles (roughly $5,000) for the illegal mining of precious metals.

Under the guise of land rehabilitation, the company illegally mined gold and silver without a license. The inter-district prosecutor's office in Uchaly revealed the violations only after the harm was done. Ekoservis paid the negligible fine after huge areas of farmland had already been destroyed.

In another instance in 2022, the regional Investigative Committee initiated checks to look for criminal violations of environmental protection regulations during mining in the Baymak District. Moscow-based mining operators OOO Grafskoye and OOO Altyn Yul fell under scrutiny.

“They are dragging it out until the election, and it's scary to think of what might happen next!”

But despite the fact that some mining companies are facing fines from the authorities, justice has not been restored. Many relatives of the defendants in the Baymak Case have reported attempts by local officials to silence them. “Before the trial, they prohibited me from posting any information about my father,” writes Aysuvak Yavgastin's 19-year-old daughter Alita. “They said that otherwise, he could be facing more charges.”

Khabirov's Texas, one of the largest local pro-government Telegram channels, threatened Ilgiz, the brother of defendant Ilyas Bayguskarov, with 10 years in prison. The post containing the threat claims Ilgiz “made multiple political mistakes, cooperating with ‘foreign agent’ media and trying to radicalize other relatives of the defendants.”

Rustam Gabbasov, co-founder of Bashkort, an organization recognized as extremist in Russia, said that Russian security services have revived the practice of taking hostages by detaining activists’ relatives and family members.

Although Gabbasov left Russia in 2023, the Investigative Committee named him as one of the organizers of the “riots” in Baymak. In January 2024, the Kirovsky District Court in Ufa arrested his brother, 33-year-old Rustam Fararetdinov, and charged him with “aiding terrorist activities,” punishable by seven to 15 years in prison.

“Law enforcement officials said he would go to prison instead of his brother,” Fararetdinov's wife said.

As Gabbasov emphasized, “My brother is an ordinary, peaceful, and decent man with a job in manufacturing. He has three young children and was never involved in any political activism.”

The families of many detainees took the accusations of anti-government activity as an insult. Although Fayil Alsynov opposed Russia's invasion of Ukraine, almost every defendant has a relative who fought or is fighting in Ukraine or who helps the Russian Armed Forces.

In its last count of confirmed Russian war dead, the BBC Russian Service working in cooperation with Mediazona put Bashkortostan’s total at 2827 — the highest number for any region in the entire country. “And the defendants also helped the participants of the SVO [war in Ukraine], and here’s what they got in return,” Timur says bitterly.