A country for old men: What’s happening to Nikolai Patrushev’s protégés at the FSB after his departure?

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The indestructible Alexander Bortnikov

After the Mar. 22 terror attack at Moscow’s Crocus City Hall, an event that resulted in 145 deaths and 551 injuries just five days after voting had ended in Russia’s most recent presidential election, many thought that 72-year-old FSB chief Alexander Bortnikov would soon be parted from his position. Bortnikov’s resignation seemed inevitable, as multiple operational reports about rising ISIS underground activity had been received from Russian regions before the attack, and several countries — including the United States — had issued warnings about an imminent threat, some even doing so publicly. However, Bortnikov's anti-terrorism committee seemed preoccupied with anything but Islamic fundamentalists, mainly targeting Ukraine sympathizers. When the tragedy struck, it was Patrushev who came to Bortnikov’s rescue, claiming the terrorists were acting under orders from Ukraine. Following this, Bortnikov himself alleged that Ukrainian military intelligence was behind the attack. Despite skepticism from the Russian public, Bortnikov remained in his post. He has already outstripped the tenure of long-serving KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov, who led the agency for fifteen years — Bortnikov has now held the position for sixteen.

Interestingly, failures in combating terrorism have never presented a problem for the career development ofFSB chiefs in Russia. In fact, unprevented terrorist acts once helped former FSB head Vladimir Putin ascend to the presidency, and failed anti-terrorist sieges at Moscow’s Dubrovka Theater (2002) and School No. 1 in Beslan (2004) did not hinder Patrushev, who headed the FSB from 1999 to 2008, from solidifying his position as Russia's top security official. Since Bortnikov took over in 2008, dozens of major terrorist attacks have taken place across the country, resulting in hundreds of casualties.

The FSB has also been rocked by high-profile corruption scandals and data leaks. The organization has been blamed for failing to adequately lay the groundwork for Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and for overlooking warning signs around Yevgeny Prigozhin's coup attempt in the summer of 2023. Nevertheless, on May 14 of this year, Putin once again submitted Bortnikov’s name to Russia’s Federation Council as his preferred candidate for FSB director — and the senators obediently voted in favor. The next day, Patrushev left the Security Council to become Putin's “shipbuilding advisor.” A week later, he chaired Russia’s Maritime Collegium and gave an interview blaming the U.S. and NATO for all of Russia’s troubles.

After Bortnikov’s reappointment, whispers about who his successor might be suddenly went silent. The rumored candidates had included FSB First Deputy Head Sergei Korolev, former Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov's protege Igor Sirotkin, and FSB 1st Service Chief Vladislav Menshikov.

Among the key players on Patrushev's team are not only Bortnikov but also his secretariat, headed by Mikhail Vybornov, nicknamed “Misha-Upravdel” (“Upravdel” is a portmanteau that shortens the phrase “business manager” into a single word). Lieutenant General Vybornov wields considerable influence within the FSB — no one gets an audience with the agency’s director without his approval. Vybornov rose to prominence thanks to his father, who organized hunting and fishing trips for the FSB leadership outside Moscow. In 2001, Vybornov the son was one of the lucky few who, by Putin's secret decree, acquired former KGB cottages and land plots in the prestigious Novogorsk district free of charge. Vybornov privatized KGB cottage No. 27, demolished it, and built a two-story mansion in its place. He later moved into Patrushev's apartment on Dolgorukovskaya Street when Patrushev relocated to Serebryany Bor (lit. “Silver Pinewood”) — a large forest park in the north-west of the city.

Vybornov even received an FSB award in 2007 for his contributions to “Fine Arts” — the general, however, went nowhere near a canvas. Instead, he directed a project publishing photo albums dedicated to promoting vigilance, with lofty titles like “The Borders of the Motherland Are Inviolable!”, “Always Alert!”, and “The Collapse of Operation 'Terror.’” Despite drawing mockery at the time, these propaganda materials have become relevant today, as both spy mania and informant culture thrive in Russia. Vybornov appears to have skeletons in his closet as well — he is listed in a Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs' database titled “Negative” («Негатив»), though the details remain strictly classified.

The border chief and the cattle rustler specialist

The recent offensive by the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) into Russia’s Kursk Region represents an evident failure by the FSB border guards, who seemingly missed the Ukrainian military buildup and offered little resistance before retreating or surrendering en masse at multiple checkpoints.

Since 2013, the FSB Border Service has been led by 67-year-old Vladimir Kulishov — one of Patrushev’s closest associates. “After his service in the FSB, Patrushev's son Dmitry was placed with us at the Russian Agricultural Bank (Rosselkhozbank), but he had little understanding of banking. It was Kulishov's wife, Inga Leonidovna, who worked as a senior manager with us, who taught him the ropes,” an employee of Rosselkhozbank told The Insider, asking to remain anonymous.

General Kulishov was involved in a high-profile land scheme concerning an FSB kindergarten in the village of Kalchuga, near Putin's residence at the Novo-Ogaryovo estate outside Moscow. In the mid-2000s, land prices in Kalchuga soared, reaching $150,000 per 100 square meters. The kindergarten was declared unsafe, the building was demolished, and the land it had sat on was divided into several plots.

The nominal owners of these plots were FSB generals from Patrushev's inner circle. Among them were Kulishov, who received a plot valued at $2.4 million, Bortnikov, whose plot was valued at $2.5 million, and FSB Deputy Director Alexander Kupryazhkin, whose plot was estimated to be worth $2.4 million. The plots were later sold to the oligarch Igor Kesaev, a man often referred to as “Patrushev's wallet.” FSB sources assured The Insider that the proceeds from the sale of the land went to an FSB fund to support veterans and their families. However, no evidence of this claim was provided, and soon after the Kalchuga deal was completed, construction began on Patrushev's mansion in Serebryany Bor.

It is unlikely that Bortnikov or Kulishov will be dismissed over the AFU’s surprise incursion in the Kursk Region — which is still ongoing as of the time of publication. Most likely, someone of a lower rank will be blamed. As The Insider has learned, the promotion to general of Dmitry Bobrov, the head of the Kursk border department, has been postponed. Bobrov was appointed in November 2023 after previously leading the border guard in the southern Siberian region of Tuva, where his main task was fighting livestock thiefs from Mongolia.

“Considering the track record and experience of the new head, I am confident that the work organized at the regional FSB border department is in reliable hands,” Roman Starovoit, then the Kursk region’s governor, said in praise of Bobrov. Starovoit was later promoted to Russia’s Minister of Transport.

However, Bobrov's appointment in Kursk caused considerable surprise. According to a source familiar with the FSB's operations in the region, “It was said that Bobrov had a good service record in his previous position and was held in high regard by his superiors. But, pardon me, in Tuva, the colonel dealt with cattle rustlers and illegal border crossings. Here in Kursk, it's a frontline region with entirely different operational tasks. The first priority for border intelligence was to restore our network in [Ukraine’s] Sumy Region, which had been thoroughly dismantled by the SBU [Ukraine’s Security Service] and the evacuation of civilians. Instead, Bobrov turned to self-promotion and had local TV stations air reports saying stuff like ‘The border is secure.’ We've all seen the results,” the source explained to The Insider.

Another noteworthy stain on Kulishov’s record concerns data leaks. In early August, the “Cordon 2023” database, which contained information on Russians who crossed the country’s border from 2014 to 2023, appeared online.

Patrushev's clan: the opposition hunter, the personnel chief, and the property manager

The Insider has identified a dozen more generals from Patrushev's clan running key FSB departments. For example, Aug. 26 marked the 70th birthday of Alexei Sedov, head of the FSB’s 2nd Service. Sedov began his KGB career in Leningrad, where he met Patrushev. This year, Sedov’s birthday celebration was held at a mansion in Serebryany Bor that the general obtained through his ties to oligarch Vladimir Yevtushenkov. Unlike in previous years, the celebration was a family affair. It was attended by Sediov’s daughter Daria and her Italian husband, Sedov’s son (an intelligence officer) and his wife, and featured brief visits from Sedov’s neighbors Nikolai Patrushev, along with former FSB Special Operations Center head Alexander Tikhonov.

The official name of the FSB’s “second service” is the Service for the Protection of the Constitutional Order and Combating Terrorism. However, its main task is not fighting underground terrorist networks — it is neutralizing Putin's personal enemies and carrying out political surveillance operations. Sedov has run the service for 18 years, and his subordinates were directly involved in the poisoning of opposition activists Alexei Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Murza, and of writer Dmitry Bykov. They also oversaw the “Network” («Сеть»), “Artpodgotovka,” and “Novoye Velichie” (“New Greatness”) cases, which featured prominently in the Russian government’s crackdown on informal groups and led to the arrests and convictions of dozens of young people on dubious charges of extremism. Despite obvious failures in the series of poisonings — in which all of the perpetrators were exposed — Putin appears to be rather pleased with Sedov’s work. According to an FSB source, Putin secretly bestowed upon Sedov yet another government decoration.

A general from Patrushev’s circle also manages the FSB’s personnel department (the 6th FSB Service). Its head, Sergey Sapunkov, started his career in the Samara Region’s FSB. He later married Anna Rozhina, daughter of Samara's FSB head Yuri Rozhin, who happened to be well acquainted with Yevgeny Lovyrev, the FSB's chief personnel officer and a close associate of Nikolai Patrushev. In 2019, Sapunkov was transferred to the Office of Attached Employees, then appointed as deputy head of the FSB Academy before moving on to the presidential administration’s department for state awards. In April 2023, Lovyrev retired as head of the 6th Service, and Sapunkov took his place.

FSB finances, construction, procurement, and logistics are also in Patrushev’s hands. Since 2007, the FSB’s 7th Service has been headed by Colonel-General Mikhail Shekin. The future chief administrator served in the KGB representative office in Berlin and Bonn in the 1980s. Although Shekin did not achieve any significant operational success, he was known for his ability to host officials from Moscow. According to a colleague from his time in Germany, “no one ever returned without gifts.” Shekin was brought into the agency’s central office by FSB Deputy Director Oleg Syromolotov, who had ambitions of becoming the director himself. However, in the internal power struggle, Syromolotov lost out to Patrushev and was subsequently assigned to handle security matters at the Sochi Olympics. Syromolotov was then moved to a minor role at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he served as Deputy Minister for Counterterrorism while awaiting retirement. By that time, Shekin had long since pledged his loyalty to Patrushev and was appointed as the FSB's chief property manager.

During Shekin's tenure in the position, his family has amassed real estate worth billions of rubles, and it also owns companies handling large government contracts. Alongside a luxury apartment in Moscow’s elite “Italian Quarter,” the Shekin family owns a 112-square-meter apartment on Lavochkina Street (valued at 35 million rubles; approx. $378,000), a three-bedroom unit on Olimpiysky Avenue worth 20 million rubles (approx. $216,000), a two-floor apartment in the “Lastochkino Gnezdo” complex with 180 million rubles (approx. $1.95 million), a 197.3-square-meter unit in the Zolotye Kluchi (“Golden Keys 2”) complex worth 110 million rubles (approx. $1.19 million), and another apartment near Moscow’s central Tsvetnoy Boulevard metro station worth 160 million rubles (approx. $1.73 million).

They also own a townhouse on Vorotynskaya Street worth 45 million rubles ($486,000) and land plots in the Odintsovo District near Moscow. Their garages contain a Lexus, two Porsche Cayennes, two Bentley Continentals, and eight Mercedes-Benz vehicles, putting them on par with former Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov, whom the Russian authorities currently portray as the face of corruption in the Russian military.

Reshuffling in the regions

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, 70% of regional FSB chiefs have been replaced. Former heads were reassigned to other regions, but they are unlikely to remain in their new posts for long. According to one of The Insider’s sources familiar with FSB rotation mechanisms, these reshuffles are aimed at combating corruption:

“In the past, a new FSB chief would arrive and start cracking down on corrupt local officials, prosecutors, or police officers. There’d be a media buzz, interviews where they talked tough, and arrests, which people liked. But after a couple of years, relatives of FSB officers would take over the racket and run their businesses. Now, the free ride is over.”

However, this anti-corruption policy does not apply to at least 12 members of Patrushev’s clan, as identified by The Insider. For instance, since 2012, Colonel-General Alexei Dorofeyev has been the head of the Moscow FSB, having started his career with the KGB in Leningrad. Dorofeyev first gained attention in 2006, when he was dismissed from his position as head of the FSB in the northwestern Republic of Karelia following mass riots and ethnic violence in the town of Kondopoga.

Patrushev quickly took Dorofeyev into his secretariat, where he remained until 2010, after which Patrushev successfully lobbied for Dorofeyev's appointment as head of the FSB’s “M” Directorate, overseeing the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Emergency Situations, the Ministry of Justice, and the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN). Two years later, Dorofeyev took charge of Moscow’s FSB officers. In 2019, both Dorofeyev and his deputy, Marat Medoev, were implicated in the high-profile arrest of Meduza journalist Ivan Golunov, who was preparing an investigation into Moscow’s funeral mafia.

Golunov was detained after he was framed with planted drugs and was released days later after unprecedented mass public protests forced the Russian authorities to drop the charges. Several police officers involved in fabricating the evidence against Golunov faced trial, and Medoev resigned. However, it later emerged that Medoev received only a mild reprimand and was quietly reassigned as a field agent at Mosenergo — a Moscow-based subsidiary of Gazprom.

Dorofeyev's subordinates have been repeatedly caught engaging in bribery and extortion. In Nov. 2023, Moscow FSB officers Alexei Tsaryov and Sergey Manyshkin were arrested for attempting to extort 5 billion rubles (over $54 million) from the owners of the IT company Merlion. During the investigation, they testified that an entire system of extortion targeting wealthy businessmen existed within the department, and they named their higher-ranking colleagues involved in the scheme: Alexander Ushakov, the overseer of Moscow courts from the FSB's “M” Directorate, and Pavel Krylov, Deputy Head of the Counterintelligence Operations Service of the Moscow FSB Directorate.

Despite his retirement, Nikolai Patrushev continues to maintain control — not just over the FSB, but also over the Security Council. Although Patrushev took his long-time assistants — FSB Generals Alexei Pavlov and Nail Mukhitov — with him to the Maritime Collegium, he left two other FSB generals — Rashid Nurgaliyev and Oleg Khramov — in place at the Security Council, where they keep an eye on its new secretary, former Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.